2018年12月15＆16日托?？荚囬喿x預(yù)測機經(jīng)（版本合集?。?/h1>

• 時間：2021-07-29

• 來源：留學監(jiān)理網(wǎng)

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本周末兩天將迎來2018年最后兩場托?？荚?/a>，各位戰(zhàn)托寶寶們，你們準備好和托福說“分手”了嗎？小編為大家整理了有關(guān)兩場考試的預(yù)測機經(jīng)，祝大家2018年末成功通過托?？荚?/a>，送自己一份大禮。以下是兩場考試的閱讀預(yù)測機經(jīng)。

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1.High Middle Ages中世紀鼎盛時期

西羅馬帝國滅亡之后，歐洲經(jīng)濟經(jīng)歷了數(shù)百年的停滯(stagnation)，直到公元1000年才迎來復(fù)蘇，此后持續(xù)了300多年的繁榮，這個時期(1000-1300)被稱為中世紀的鼎盛期(the High Middle Ages)。鼎盛期的出現(xiàn)原因有三。一是心理原因(psychological reason)。當時廣為流傳的預(yù)言(the widespread prophecies)說世界將在公元1000年毀滅，但實際并未發(fā)生。于是人們重拾對生活的信心。二是政治原因。當時歐洲大范圍的外族入侵停止了(foreign incursions had ceased)。三是農(nóng)業(yè)技術(shù)的提高。三田輪耕系統(tǒng)(a three-field system)取代了先前的二田輪耕系統(tǒng)。土地每三年休耕一次(uncultivated every third year)，而不是每兩年就休耕一次，這導(dǎo)致農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)大大增加。此外，農(nóng)業(yè)工具犁也從木制改為鐵制，并且耕畜(draft animal)從牛改為馬，生產(chǎn)效率大大提高。

中世紀鼎盛期的經(jīng)濟繁榮帶來的一個主要結(jié)果是人口增長。人口的增長反過來(in turn)又產(chǎn)生兩個進一步的影響，即人們需要消費更多的商品，并且需要開墾更多的土地(more land reclamation)。人們圍海圍湖造田，并且在森林覆蓋的地區(qū)，開辟出新的農(nóng)場和村莊。各個地區(qū)之間的陸地貿(mào)易和河流貿(mào)易都大幅提高，貿(mào)易的持續(xù)發(fā)展使人們相信經(jīng)濟的持久繁榮，這種信念向外呈現(xiàn)在追求事物的永恒(the permanency of things)，如當時城堡、教堂和私人住宅(private dwellings)的建立越來越采用石頭材料，希望其永遠存在。

2.Pluto’s Status關(guān)于冥王星是不是行星的討論

冥王星的體積很小，有些小行星都比它大。冥王星在剛被發(fā)現(xiàn)時被認為體積很大，一方面跟reflectivity有關(guān)，一方面跟它的質(zhì)量(mass)有關(guān)。有些人提出冥王星一直保持圍繞太陽運轉(zhuǎn)的軌道，這一特征可使其被歸為太陽系的第十大行星。關(guān)于冥王星的爭議在于，有人認為它已經(jīng)長時間被認為是行星就應(yīng)繼續(xù)這樣，也有人認為判斷一個天體是不是行星，應(yīng)該看它的重量是否足夠達到受gravity的影響，從而形成一個球體。所以最終冥王星的歸宿是一個新的天文學分類——矮行星(dwarf planet，介于行星planet和小行星asteroid之間)。

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3.本文介紹了水墨畫，在中國宋代和日本都有，共同點是畫的東西很多。中國主要畫山水(landscape)，寫意，畫中的人物像螞蟻一樣小。不同點是舉了一個日本大師的例子，說他的繪畫都是想象的(imaginary)，未體現(xiàn)出層次感。而中國的畫層次分明。第二點是中國強調(diào)用大自然的和諧(harmony)來體現(xiàn)社會的和諧，傾向環(huán)境固定(fixed)的特點。而日本傾向畫不同季節(jié)不同天氣同一景色的樣子。

4.太陽系有秩序的特點導(dǎo)致天文學家認為整個太陽系是同一時間來自同一物質(zhì)(太陽星云)形成的。某種外部力量(比如來自超新星爆炸的沖擊波)誘發(fā)了太陽星云的傾塌，導(dǎo)致其內(nèi)陷收縮，最終引力產(chǎn)生的內(nèi)縮和旋轉(zhuǎn)產(chǎn)生的外擴達到平衡，形成了盤狀的原始太陽。在太陽星云傾塌期間，萬有引力的收縮導(dǎo)致內(nèi)部溫度上升，使得太陽星云內(nèi)部的塵粒裂解為分子原子，但外部(火星以外的區(qū)域)的溫度仍然很低，很多塵粒表面覆蓋著冰體。太陽的形成標志著太陽星云的引力收縮結(jié)束，因此升溫也結(jié)束了，內(nèi)部溫度的下降使得高熔點的元素首先冷凝，如鐵鎳等金屬和巖石類元素凝固出現(xiàn)，形成金屬巖石塊，彼此撞擊聚合，形成原始行星體，之后成為太陽系的內(nèi)部行星。由于內(nèi)部行星和太陽星云碎屑的高速撞擊產(chǎn)生很大熱量，使得內(nèi)部行星溫度較高，并且由于自身引力場較低，所以無法吸引較輕的氣體。太陽系內(nèi)部行星形成的同時，外部行星也在形成，由于遠離太陽溫度較低，外部行星的主要成分是冰體，這也解釋了它們?yōu)槭裁大w積龐大密度低。

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真題來源：2015-9-15CN Sumerian Contributions

P1：Before about 4500 B.C., lower Mesopotamia, the whole plain between and on either side of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, was much less densely populated than other inhabited regions of the Near and Middle East. Each year the two great rivers were swollen with the winter snows of the northern mountains, and each year at flood stage they spread a thick layer of immensely fertile silt across the flood plain where they approached the Persian Gulf. But without domestic animals and beasts, this swampy delta was not suited to the primitive hoe-centric tilling culture of early agriculture. Besides, the Tigris-Euphrates plain lacked minerals and trees. However, it was in this unpromising area, between 3500 and 3000 B. C., that agricultural settlers created wealth of city-states that constituted Sumer, of which the best known is Ur. The Sumerians appeared at the dawn of history as a fully developed society with a technology and organization that was distinct from and superior to other societies of the time. Even civilization itself seems to have stemmed from this alien and mysterious people.

公元前4500年以前。在美國，位于底格里斯河和幼發(fā)拉底河之間和兩側(cè)的美索不達米亞平原，人口密度遠不及近東和中東其他有人居住的地區(qū)。每年，這兩條大河都被北部山區(qū)的冬雪所淹沒，每年洪水來臨時，它們都會在靠近波斯灣的泛濫平原上鋪開一層厚厚的、極為肥沃的淤泥。但是如果沒有家畜，這個沼澤三角洲就不適合早期農(nóng)業(yè)以鋤頭為中心的原始耕作文化。此外，底格里斯河-幼發(fā)拉底河平原缺乏礦物和樹木。然而，在公元前3500年到3000年之間，它卻在這個毫無希望的地區(qū)。在美國，農(nóng)業(yè)移民創(chuàng)造了構(gòu)成蘇美爾的城邦財富，其中最著名的是烏爾。蘇美爾人出現(xiàn)在歷史的黎明，是一個完全發(fā)達的社會，擁有不同于當時其他社會的技術(shù)和組織，并優(yōu)于其他社會。甚至文明本身似乎也起源于這個陌生而神秘的民族。

P2：This delta, a land of swamps rich in fish, wildlife, and date palms, was the most challenging and rewarding of the three natural units into which the river valleys were divided. Reasons for their being challenging lie in that the rivers not only sustained life, but they also destroyed it with frequent floods that ravaged entire cities. Although land nearer to the rivers was fertile and good for crops, portions of land farther from the water were dry and largely uninhabitable. Therefore, the development of drainage and irrigation systems was essential for Sumerians to harness the full productivity of this land which in turn required a large and well-disciplined workforce, as well as skilled management and supervision—the latter were supplied by a class of priests and warriors who ruled a large population of peasants and artisans.

這片三角洲是一片沼澤地帶，盛產(chǎn)魚類、野生動物和椰棗樹，是河谷劃分成的三個自然單元中最具挑戰(zhàn)性和最有價值的。它們具有挑戰(zhàn)性的原因在于，這些河流不僅維持了生命，而且還通過頻繁的洪水摧毀了生命，摧毀了整個城市。雖然靠近河流的土地肥沃，適于種植莊稼，但遠離河流的部分土地干旱，基本上不宜居住。因此,排水和灌溉系統(tǒng)的發(fā)展是必不可少的蘇美爾人利用這片土地的全部生產(chǎn)力反過來需要大量訓(xùn)練有素的勞動力,以及熟練的管理和supervision-the后者由一類牧師和戰(zhàn)士統(tǒng)治一個人口眾多的農(nóng)民和工匠。

P3：The economy that sustained the people of Sumer relied on agriculture and trade. To support agriculture, Sumerians created sophisticated water transport systems that would both irrigate crops during dry periods and control flooding during the spring. This water management enabled them to build up a food surplus for trading. They exchanged barley and wheat to supplement a scarcity of stone and lumber, as well as copper and bronze, thereby contributing to the diffusion of Sumerian civilization. In Sumerian cities, stone imported by sea through the Persian Gulf from Oman and downriver from the mountains of Anatolia and the Caucasus had to compete with imported copper, and the latter proved more economical and effective for a variety of uses. Sumerians would have plowed with stone and cut with clay sickles and Went on to using metal plows with the development of metal-working skills.

蘇美爾人民賴以生存的經(jīng)濟依靠農(nóng)業(yè)和貿(mào)易。為了支持農(nóng)業(yè)，蘇美爾人建立了復(fù)雜的水運輸系統(tǒng)，既可以在干旱時期灌溉莊稼，也可以在春季控制洪水。這種水管理使他們能夠積累糧食盈余以供貿(mào)易。他們交換大麥和小麥，以補充石頭和木材以及銅和青銅的缺乏，從而促進了蘇美爾文明的傳播。在蘇美爾人的城市里，從波斯灣從阿曼進口的石頭和從安納托利亞山脈和高加索山脈下游進口的石頭必須與進口的銅競爭，而后者在各種用途上證明更經(jīng)濟有效。蘇美爾人會用石頭犁地，用粘土鐮刀切割，隨著金屬加工技術(shù)的發(fā)展，他們會繼續(xù)使用金屬犁。

P4：One of the greatest accomplishments of the Sumerian people was the invention of a writing system, likely growing out of commercial record keeping. Each Sumerian city rose up around the shrine of a local god. As a reflection of a city’s wealth, its temple became an elaborate structure. Both economic and religious organizations centered on the temple of the local patron deity, represented by a priestly hierarchy, in which a corporation run by priests became the greatest landowners among the Sumerians. Common Sumerians remained illiterate and without power, while kings, once elected by common people, became monarchs. Common people were obliged to pay taxes to the government in the form of a percentage of their crops, which the city could either sell or use to feed its soldiers and others it supported. In order to keep records of the sources and uses of this tribute, simple pictographs on clay tablets appeared sometime before 3000 B.C. By about 2800 B.C., the pictographs had been stylized into the system of writing known as cuneiform, a distinctive characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. It is one of the few examples in history of a significant innovation from a bureaucratic organization.

蘇美爾人最偉大的成就之一是發(fā)明了一種文字系統(tǒng)，很可能起源于商業(yè)記錄。蘇美爾人的每座城市都圍繞著一位當?shù)厣竦纳颀惏蔚囟?。作為一個城市財富的反映，它的寺廟成為一個精致的結(jié)構(gòu)。經(jīng)濟和宗教組織都以當?shù)厥刈o神的廟宇為中心，以祭司的等級制度為代表，在這種等級制度下，由牧師經(jīng)營的公司成為蘇美爾人中最偉大的地主。普通蘇美爾人仍然是文盲，沒有權(quán)力，而國王，一旦由普通人民選舉，成為君主。普通民眾有義務(wù)以一定比例的農(nóng)作物向政府納稅，市政府可以出售這些農(nóng)作物，也可以用它們來養(yǎng)活士兵和其他政府支持的人。為了記錄這種貢品的來源和用途，公元前3000年以前，大約公元前2800年，泥板上出現(xiàn)了簡單的象形文字當時，象形文字已被程式化，納入了被稱為楔形文字的書寫體系，這是美索不達米亞文明的一個顯著特征。這是歷史上為數(shù)不多的官僚機構(gòu)進行重大創(chuàng)新的例子之一。

P5：Whether the Sumerians were the first to develop writing is uncertain, but theirs is the oldest known system of writing. The clay tablets on which they wrote were very durable when baked. Archaeologists have dug up many thousands of them—some dated earlier than 3000 B.C. The cuneiform texts recorded messages and historical events as well as commercial transactions. They evolved into producing written sagas such as the Epic of Gilgamesht the world's oldest surviving literary work.

蘇美爾人是否第一個發(fā)展了書寫還不確定，但他們的書寫系統(tǒng)是已知的最古老的書寫系統(tǒng)。他們所寫的泥板在烘烤時非常耐用?？脊艑W家已經(jīng)挖掘出了成千上萬的楔形文字，其中一些可以追溯到公元前3000年以前。楔形文字記錄了信息、歷史事件以及商業(yè)交易。他們逐漸發(fā)展出了一些書面?zhèn)髡f，如世界上現(xiàn)存最古老的文學作品《吉爾伽美什史詩》。

題目：

1. The word “unpromising" in the passage is closest in meaning to

文中“沒有希望”這個詞的意思最接近

A. unfavorable

B. underdeveloped

C. distant

D. expansive

2. The phrase “a wealth of” in the passage is closest in meaning to

在這篇文章中，短語“a wealth of”的意思最接近于

A. a strong competition among

B. a valuable source of

C. a deep respect for

D. an abundance of

3. According to paragraph 1, which of the following was NOT true of lower Mesopotamia before 4500 B.C.?

根據(jù)第1段，以下哪項對公元前4500年以前的有關(guān)下美索不達米亞不正確?

A. It was flooded every year by rivers.

B. Its soil was unsuitable for early hoe culture agriculture.

C. It was comparatively dense in population

D. It had few trees.

真題來源：2014-11-23CN Urban Development in the United States During the Nineteenth Century

P1：Urbanized societies, in which a high proportion of the population lives in P cities, developed only in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The process of urbanization has moved rapidly in the entire world since 1800, and the peak is not yet in sight. In the United States, early New England towns, formally disposed along wide elm-lined central roadways or commons, exhibit a conscious planning. In discussing the growth of cities in the United States in the nineteenth century, one cannot really use the term "urban planning", as it suggests modern concerns for spatial and service organization which, in most instances, did not exist before the planning revolution called the City Beautiful Movement that began in the 1890s. While there certainly were urban areas that were "planned” in the comprehensive contemporary sense of the word before that date, most notably Washington, D.C., these were the exception. Most “planned" in the nineteenth century was limited to areas much smaller than a city and was closely associated with developers trying to make a profit from a piece of land.

城市化社會是十九世紀和二十世紀才發(fā)展起來的，其中很大一部分人口生活在城市里。自1800年以來，整個世界的城市化進程迅速發(fā)展，但還沒有達到頂峰。在美國，早期的新英格蘭城鎮(zhèn)，沿著寬闊的榆樹林蔭道或公地正式布置，展現(xiàn)出有意識的規(guī)劃。在討論在美國城市的發(fā)展在19世紀,一個不能使用術(shù)語“城市規(guī)劃”,因為它表明現(xiàn)代問題空間和服務(wù)組織,在大多數(shù)情況下,不存在計劃革命前稱為城市美麗的運動,開始于1890年代。當然，在那個日期之前，也有一些城市地區(qū)是“計劃好的”，尤其是華盛頓特區(qū)這些都是例外。在19世紀，大多數(shù)“規(guī)劃”都局限于比城市小得多的地區(qū)，而且與試圖從一塊土地上獲利的開發(fā)商關(guān)系密切。

P2：Three forces particularly affected the configuration of urban and suburban areas in the nineteenth century: economics, transportation technology, and demographics. Added to these was the characteristic American preference for independent living, including separate neighborhoods for themselves by building mansions on large plots of land at the edges of the cities or in the countryside. Economic development stemmed from the Industrial Revolution of the 19th centuries transformed urban life and gave people higher expectations for improving their standard of living. The increased number of jobs, along with technological innovations in transportation and housing construction, encouraged migration to cities. People no longer had to live within walking distance their jobs. Commuting into the city to work became easier and cheaper with constant transportation system improvements and increased ridership.

十九世紀有三種力量特別影響城市和郊區(qū)的結(jié)構(gòu):經(jīng)濟、交通技術(shù)和人口統(tǒng)計。除此之外，還有美國人特有的獨立生活的偏好，包括在城市邊緣或鄉(xiāng)村的大片土地上建造住宅，為自己建造獨立的社區(qū)。19世紀工業(yè)革命帶來的經(jīng)濟發(fā)展改變了城市生活，使人們對提高生活水平有了更高的期望。就業(yè)崗位的增加，以及交通和住房建設(shè)方面的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新，鼓勵了向城市遷移。人們不再需要住在工作地點步行距離以內(nèi)。隨著交通系統(tǒng)的不斷改進和客流量的增加，進城上班變得更容易、更便宜。

P3：Demographic patterns also accounted for the urbanization. Urban populations grew steadily due to rural immigrants gravitated to the cheap housing and to the promise of work in or near the center of cities or around factories and emigration from around the globe. As the 19th century drew to a close, the rapid development of cities served as both a uniting and dividing factor in American social, economic, and political life. Cities attracted a rich cross-section of the world's population, creating a various, metropolitan atmosphere. At the same time, cities forced people from entirely different backgrounds to live and work together in close proximity for the first time, which contributed to diverse urban problems.

人口結(jié)構(gòu)模式也是城市化的原因之一。由于農(nóng)村移民被吸引到廉價住房，以及在城市中心或附近、工廠附近工作的前景，以及來自全球各地的移民，城市人口穩(wěn)步增長。隨著19世紀的結(jié)束，城市的快速發(fā)展成為美國社會、經(jīng)濟和政治生活中一個團結(jié)和分裂的因素。城市吸引了世界各地眾多的人口，創(chuàng)造了一個多樣化的大都市氛圍。與此同時，城市迫使背景完全不同的人們第一次近距離的生活和工作在一起，這導(dǎo)致了城市問題的多樣性。

P4：Many nineteenth-century urban problems continue to plague cities today, especially those associated with sanitation and mega-fires resulted from lack of planning and regulation. The growth of cities outpaced the ability of local governments to extend clean water, garbage collection, and sewage systems into poorer areas, so conditions in cities deteriorated. Sanitary sewers at that time failed to stop the spread of typhoid, increased its infection rates downstream of sewer outlets, and the miasmatic gasses they were designed to mitigate turned out to not exist. It was not until the 1860s that any serious, concerted effort was made to develop proper systems for water delivery and sewage removal, which caused water contamination and the spread of disease by rodents and insects. During the 19th century, the United States was afflicted with many urban conflagrations and wildfires as tactical firefighting and prevention practices were underdeveloped. Construction with combustible materials coupled with close placement of buildings and the use of open flames in heating, cooking, and lighting meant that the potential for raging fires was ever present.

19世紀的許多城市問題仍然困擾著今天的城市，特別是那些由于缺乏規(guī)劃和管理而導(dǎo)致的衛(wèi)生和特大火災(zāi)。城市的發(fā)展速度超過了地方政府向貧困地區(qū)推廣凈水、垃圾收集和污水處理系統(tǒng)的能力，因此城市的條件惡化。當時的衛(wèi)生下水道沒能阻止傷寒的傳播，反而增加了傷寒在下水道出口下游的感染率，原本用來緩解傷寒的瘴氣最終被證明是不存在的。直到19世紀60年代，才有任何認真的、協(xié)調(diào)一致的努力來發(fā)展適當?shù)墓┧臀鬯幚硐到y(tǒng)，這造成了水污染和嚙齒動物和昆蟲傳播疾病。在19世紀，由于戰(zhàn)術(shù)消防和預(yù)防措施不發(fā)達，美國飽受城市大火和野火之苦。用可燃材料建造，再加上建筑物的密閉布置，以及在取暖、做飯和照明中使用明火，意味著隨時可能發(fā)生熊熊大火。

P5：Cities in the late 19th century were large, compacted, and impersonal places devoted to making money. Typically, development was both unplanned and unrestricted, with landowners making all choices of lot size, services, and street arrangement based only on their individual needs in the marketplace. Not surprisingly, corruption was rampant in city government and city services, in the construction industry, and among landlords and employers. High rents, low wages, and poor services produced misery in the midst of abrupt economic growth.

19世紀晚期的城市是大型的、緊湊的、沒有人情味的、專門用來賺錢的地方。一般來說，發(fā)展都是計劃外和不受限制的，土地所有人只根據(jù)他們在市場上的個人需要，作出地段大小、服務(wù)和街道安排的所有選擇。不足為奇的是，腐敗在市政府和城市服務(wù)、建筑行業(yè)、房東和雇主中猖獗。高租金、低工資和糟糕的服務(wù)在經(jīng)濟突然增長的過程中造成了痛苦。

題目：

1. Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information.

下面哪個句子最能表達文章中突出顯示的句子的基本信息?錯誤的選擇以重要的方式改變了意義，或者遺漏了重要的信息。

A. Understanding the growth of cities in nineteenth-century America requires recognizing how the City Beautiful Movement of the 1890s changed "urban planning.

B. For the most part, there was no "urban planning,” as that term is understood today, before the beginning of the City Beautiful Movement in the 1890s.

C. Concerns for spatial and service organization had little impact on the growth of cities before the 1890s when the City Beautiful Movement began.

D. The growth of cities in nineteenth-century America resulted in the creation of the City Beautiful Movement in the 1890s and the rise of the term “urban planning.”

2. According to paragraph 1, Washington, D.C. was

根據(jù)第1段，華盛頓特區(qū)是

A. A a typical nineteenth-century American city

B. B a city that was planned in separate sections by land developers

C. C the very first city in America to be described as “planned”

D. D one of the few cases of true urban planning in America before the 1890s

3. Select the TWO answer choices that, according to the paragraph 1, best describe most urban plans in the nineteenth century. To receive credit, you must select TWO answers.

根據(jù)第1段，選擇最能描述19世紀大多數(shù)城市規(guī)劃的兩個選項。要獲得得分，你必須選擇兩個答案。

A. They were created to profit land developers.

B. They typically affected only part of a city rather than the whole city.

C. Their success sometimes directly led to other necessary improvements in cities.

D. They were carefully reviewed by city governments.

4. In paragraph 2, the author mentions the characteristic American preference for independent living to

在第二段中，作者提到了美國人獨立生活的特點

A. identify one of the factors that affected the configuration of urban and suburban areas in America in the nineteenth century

B. explain which of the three forces mentioned—economics, transportation technology, and demographics—was the most important in shaping American cities and suburbs

C. explain how decisions were made in American nineteenth-century cities and suburbs about locations for businesses and factories

D. provide evidence showing that industrial growth was able to generate higher incomes for much of the population in nineteenth-century cities and suburbs in America

5. According to paragraph 2, what is one reason that transportation costs in American cities decreased during the nineteenth century?

根據(jù)第2段，美國城市的交通成本在19世紀下降的一個原因是什么?

A. The number of people using transportation increased.

B. The cost of energy such as electricity decreased.

C. Commuters and shoppers began living closer to their destinations.

D. Transportation suppliers had to compete for riders.

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